Though explored in the early 1990s, constitutional implications of fundamental freedoms did not receive their first expressions until 1992, when a HCA majority recognized in Nationwide News and ACT v Cth that the Constitution implied a commitment to freedom of political communications
The impact of this on defamation was then explored in Theophanus and Stephens and then secured in Lange
Initially this was justified on a narrow idea of a general conception of representative government implied in the Constitution but was given a more secure basis from ss 7 and 25 that provide the Senate/HOR shall be “directly chosen by the people”
This decision has been criticized as being inconsistent with the Engineers’ Case or at least marking a constitutional turning point as significant as that case – but regardless it has been unanimously confirmed
Nationwide News Pty Ltd v Wills (1992) 177 CLR 1 Facts: The publisher of The Australian was prosecuted under s 299(1)(d)(ii) of the IR Act which provided that “A person shall not…by writing or speech use words calculated…to bring a member of the IRC or the Commission into disrepute. Held: s 299(1)(d)(ii) was invalid. However only Brennan, Deane, Toohey and Gaudron JJ (4) adopted the view that even if s 299(1)(d)(ii) was within power, it was nevertheless invalid as infringing an implied freedom of political discussion Deane and Toohey J:
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Australian Capital Television Pty Ltd v Commonwealth (1992) 177 CLR 106 Facts: This case involved a challenge to the validity of the Political Broadcasts and Political Disclosures Act that added Pt IIID dealing with “Political Broadcasts” to the Broadcasting Act. S 95B imposed a blanket prohibition on political advertisement during the election (and under s 95C for Territories, State and local under s 95D). Exceptions were made for policy launches, news, current affairs, talk back radio etc. that didn’t “explicitly advocate” vote for a candidate/party Div 3 of Pt IIID established a scheme of “free time” for political advertising, allocated to the parties by the ABT. 90% of this time was reserved for parties represented in the previous parliament. Units of free time could be used for limited purposes (2 minute telecast/1 minute radio with a picture of the speaker’s head/shoulders). It was accepted that Pt IIID fell within s 51(v) (Postal power) or the CTH’s power with respect to federal elections. The question was hence whether it was invalid due to infringement of a constitutionally guaranteed freedom of political discussion. Mason CJ, Deane, Toohey and Gaudron JJ held that Pt IIID was wholly invalid on this basis. McHugh held it was invalid on this basis except in relation to s 95C on territories. Dawson J rejected this idea. Brennan J agreed that the implication existed but held the provisions were valid as a reasonable restriction upon it. Mason CJ: Constitutional Implications
His honour then acknowledged that the framers rejected the US model of constitutional rights, leaving the protection of liberty to responsible government and common law
Representative Government
His honour the noted one objection to this idea of sovereignty – namely that the Constitution was given force by an Act of Imperial Parliament and not a supreme law proceeding from the people’s power to constitute a government. He noted that, despite its initial character the Constitution brought into existence a system off representative government through which elected representatives exercise sovereign power on behalf of the people.
Freedom of communication as an indispensable element in representative government
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